Filipinos in South Korea

How the Philippines Managed to Stand up against the China threat?

Global Filipino pushed the Philippines to stand up against the bullying china. Photo: indybay.org

How Manila Stands Up to the Goliath

Philippines is increasingly emerging as a 'frontline state' in the ongoing Sino-American competition over the destiny of the Asia-Pacific region, the situation is really difficult, but don't expect the Philippines -- defined by an undying sense of resilience -- to just roll over anytime soon. It even managed to rename the South China Sea to West Philippine Sea, despite Beijing's repeated condemnations.

By any measure, the Philippines is increasingly emerging as a 'frontline state' in the ongoing Sino-American competition over the destiny of the Asia-Pacific region -- the world's new center of economic and geo-strategic gravity. Desperate to secure its territorial claims within the South China Sea, the Philippines is not only struggling with China's growing territorial assertiveness, but also exploring ways to maintain a measure of self-autonomy amidst America's plans to re-assert its Pacific hegemony.

For Manila, the history is somehow repeating itself, whereby the tiny archipelago is once again finding itself squeezed amid an intensifying great power rivalry. Back in the 19th and 20th centuries, the Philippines was at the forefront of America's competition with colonial Spain and the Soviet Union in East Asia. Obviously, this time Manila is eager to avoid being stamped upon by the march of history, unlike the past.

It's hard to understate Manila's strategic dilemma. On one hand, without America's military-diplomatic support, the Philippines stands heavily outmatched against its Chinese neighbor. While the Philippines' decrepit and under-equipped armed forces subsists on a meager annual expenditure of around $1.5 billion, ranking 59th in the world, the Chinese are the world's second largest spenders, with their $129 billion budget set to double by 2015 -- most of it will feed China's expanding naval 'anti-access' (A2/AD) and blue-water capabilities.

On the other hand, if Manila tilts too much into the U.S.' orbit, it might risk its national sovereignty as well as important bilateral ties with China. (Not to mention, there are lingering doubts as to the extent of the U.S.' commitment to Philippines' security, especially in an event of a direct Sino-Filipino confrontation over disputed features in the South China Sea.) Beijing is already irked by an increasingly revitalized U.S.-Philippine military relations, with elements within the Chinese military repeatedly calling for sanctions against Manila and its alleged role in stoking tensions in Sino-American relations.

At the height of Philippine-China territorial conflicts, when both sides dangerously squared off over the Scarborough Shoal earlier this year, Beijing imposed travel as well as non-tariff barriers against the Philippines' $200 million banana exports. So, Manila has no choice but to take China's threats seriously.

The Post-Cold War Rollercoaster

Like many of its post-colonial peers, the end of the Cold War provided an opportunity for Manila to become a master of its own destiny by veering away from the long and deep shadow of American military-political patronage.

In 1992, the Philippines managed to terminate the U.S. military's forward-deployment presence in Clark and Subic. But, just within three years, Manila watched in horror China's forceful seizure of the previously Philippine-controlled Mischief Reef. Failing to develop a minimum deterrence capability, Manila witnessed an increasingly assertive Chinese expansion in the South China Sea.

In absence of a coherent and effective regional regime to rein in China's alarming behavior, the Philippines' recourse was mere moral suasion and relatively marginal military cooperation with the U.S. and regional powers such as Australia, though primarily focused on the 'Global War on Terror.' At best, Manila was able to secure a non-binding, highly symbolic agreement with China to prevent open conflict over disputed territories. However, the 2002 ASEAN-China Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea was never a substitute for the Philippines' glaring lack of self-defense capabilities. When China stepped up its naval maneuvering in adjacent waters, the Philippines was left little choice but to welcome and encourage America's pivot to the region.

A Tough Balancing Act

The truth is, the tiny archipelago nation has found itself in a tricky situation vis-à-vis China: It faces a rapidly rising China that has simultaneously become an economic boon and a strategic threat. On the economic front, China's booming economy -- buttressed by large local companies eager to invest in emerging markets that are desperate for cheap capital and technology -- represents a huge opportunity for Manila to revitalize its historically anemic economy, strengthen a flailing infrastructure, and expand markets for increasingly high value-added exports. Mainland China is already the Philippines' third largest market, with bilateral trade hovering around $30 in recent years.

Last year, the two sides expressed their hopes of increasing bilateral trade and investment relations to around $60 billion in coming years, potentially making China the Philippines' biggest trading partner. According to some estimates, China's investments in the Philippines could reach as much as $8 billion, with Beijing heavily (or poised to be) involved in major infrastructural projects in the country.

We should bear in mind that in the first decade of the 21st century, Sino-Filipino relations experienced a period of growing economic and strategic ties, thanks to the former Filipino President Gloria Arroyo's efforts to diversify her country's heavily U.S.-centric external relations. However, recent years have introduced a new element of tensions into Sino-Filipino relations, as China stepped-up its efforts in adjacent water of East and South China Seas to cement its hyper-nationalist/populist territorial claims. After all, based on its notorious 9-dotted-line, China claims 'inherent and indisputable' sovereignty over almost all features within the South China Sea. It is particularly this position that has complicated, if not totally obstructed, any multilateral efforts to resolve ongoing territorial conflicts in the South China.

Moreover, China has also been using its economic influence over Southeast Asian countries such as Cambodia, the current chair of the ASEAN, to block any attempts by countries such as Vietnam and the Philippines to put greater pressure on China by (i) forging a unified regional stance and (ii) establishing a binding regional Code of Conduct (CoC) to regulate inter-state behavior over territorial disputes. As a result, the Philippines' diplomatic efforts within the ASEAN have been constantly sidestepped in recent months. But, Manila is still investing in diplomacy, because it knows that it can't risk confrontation and jeopardize booming bilateral trade-economic relations with China.

So, in the meantime, the Philippines is left with little choice but to hedge its bets: It intends on rapidly improving its minimum deterrence capabilities by welcoming greater aid, joint-exercises, and military hardware from as well as deeper operational interoperability with U.S. forces as well as other regional allies such as Japan, Australia, and South Korea.

The situation is really difficult, but don't expect the Philippines -- defined by an undying sense of resilience -- to just roll over anytime soon. It even managed to rename the South China Sea to West Philippine Sea, despite Beijing's repeated condemnations.

The Huffington Post

(http://is.gd/PJHtsw

Philippines is Rising as Ship Repair hub in Asia-Pacific Region

Austal Ship Yard in Balamban Cebu, Philippines

Philippines as Ship Repair Hub

The Philippines is positioning to become the ship repair hub in the Asia-Pacific region for oceangoing merchant and fishing vessels taking advantage of its strategic location to the region's shipping routes, but would require foreign direct investments to pursue this development.

This was contained in a study on the ship building and ship repair industry of the Philippines conducted by the Japan International Cooperation Agency and the Nomura Research Institute as part of the ongoing formulation of industry roadmaps by the Department of Trade and Industry.

Based on the study, the Philippines have the right ingredients to become ship repair hub. Its strengths include an inland sea, bay and deep seashore, abundant of labor force  and legalized fiscal incentives.

The study has also identified FDIs from Japan and Korea as most promising because shipbuilders from these countries are finally looking outward for expansion opportunities.

The shipbuilding industries in China, Japan and Korea are also reaching their maturity levels thus the need to develop new hubs outside of these countries.

The study has urged that the Philippine Investment Promotions Plan and MARINA to sell the Philippine strengths provide possible locations with maritime data, and present opportunities to shipbuilders in China, Japan and Korea.

Based on its charter, MARINA has been tasked to adopt and implement a practicable and coordinated maritime development program, which shall include among others, the enhancement of domestic capability for shipbuilding and ship repair.

Conducting business matching between Philippine developers, shipbuilders and suppliers and shipbuilders was also urged for Japan, followed by Korea and China.

The domestic shipbuilding industry, however, faces some weaknesses including small and outdated local shipyards, little domestic demand and little support industries, the Nomura study said.

It is also facing global threats like the global shipbuilding recession and emerging maritime structure demands in other countries.

Based on the Nomura study, Chinese and Korean shipbuilders have increased completion of ships being built with China having the biggest share of 40 percent of total number of completed vessels while Korea is second with 34.6 percent share and Japan 18.1 percent. Together, these countries account for 99 percent of total global market.

The study further said that new orders for ships globally are in a downward trend after the shipbuilding bubble in 2007. The scenario points to global shipbuilding "recession" in the coming years.

To this date, there are 121 registered shipbuilding and repair facilities in the country. Of these facilities, 99 are classified as small, 14 are medium and 8 as small. The industry also employs 8,047 workers.

In the past, the output of shipbuilding industry was limited only to small ships, tankers, barges, fishing vessels but with the entry of new players like Tsuneishi Heavy Industries of Japan and Hanjin Shipyard of Korea, the Philippines is now ranked overall as the world's fourth largest player in shipbuilding.

As of the first half of 2012, the Philippines ranked world's fourth highest in terms of booked orders with China, Japan, Korea and Brazil in the top four.(BCM) (http://is.gd/ZjNW4f)

Manila Bulletin 

Manila Govt will sanction Mindanao Provinces exercising Mining Autonomy

 

Open pit Mining in the Philippines. Photo: freethinkers.org

LGUs prohibiting open pit mining may face sanctions

The national government may initiate administrative cases against local executives who would insist on implementing ordinances prohibiting open pit mining in their respective areas, according to the Department of Justice (DOJ).

In a seven-page legal opinion signed by Secretary Leila de Lima last week, the DOJ supported the plan of the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) to impose administrative sanctions on local government units (LGUs) that continue to prohibit open pit mining in violation of the Philippine Mining Act (PMA).

The DOJ said such ordinances and resolutions of LGUs have been declared void by the law, which means their implementation is tantamount to grave abuse of authority or grave misconduct.

"LGUs cannot arbitrarily hide under the cloak of 'local autonomy' or 'presumption of validity of ordinance' to circumvent the law or primordial compliance with the well-entrenched test of valid ordinance, long established by the Supreme Court in various cases," it said.

Aside from filing administrative cases, the DILG has also proposed the issuance of a memorandum circular directing a review of questionable ordinances and the signing of a memorandum of agreement with the Office of the Ombudsman to address abuses of local officials invoking local autonomy to implement such invalid ordinances.

"Browsing through the remedial acts and/or administrative sanctions proposed to be issued by DILG, this Office has no objection thereto, as we see no constitutional, statutory or legal infirmities in such proposals," the DOJ said.

"Moreover, this Office defers to you Office's competence and expertise not only because it has primary jurisdiction over the matter but also possesses familiarity with the policy repercussions of the issues as well as logical recognition of the lawful exercise of an authority conferred to DILG by law," it added.

The DOJ noted that under Administrative Order No. 267, the DILG has the "power of general supervision" over local governments to ensure that their officials perform their functions in accordance with the law.

Apart from administrative sanctions, the DOJ said the DILG may also file court petitions to seek the nullification of these ordinances.

"Clearly, matters involving question on the validity or constitutionality of a duly enacted ordinance may stand on its own and therefore remain valid until judicially declared as null and void. Thus, judicial declaration of nullity of ordinance is an available remedy," the DOJ said.

It issued the legal opinion upon the request of DILG Legal Service Director III Jesus Doque IV after receiving questions over the implementation of the ordinances, which contain provisions banning open pit mining, an activity allowed under the PMA.

Among the cases cited in the request was the ban imposed by the South Cotabato provincial government on open pit mining, preventing Sagittarius Mines Inc. from starting its $5.9-billion copper-gold project in Tampakan town. (http://is.gd/rGW5Za)

philSTAR 

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