Filipinos in South Korea

At last, Gloria Arroyo has been charged with plunder

GMA and Rosario Uriarte close partnership

By Ellen Tordesillas, Contributor

Commentary

Last Monday, Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales filed before the Sandiganbayan plunder charges against Gloria Arroyo who is now detained at the V. Luna Medical Center and nine others for allegedly pocketing P365, 997,915 from confidential and intelligence funds of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office in several transfers from January 2008 to June 2010.

Charged along with Arroyo were former PCSO Board of Directors chairman Sergio O. Valencia; former PCSO general manager Rosario C. Uriarte; former PCSO directors Manuel L. Morato, Jose R. Taruc V, Raymundo T. Roquero and Ma. Fatima A. S. Valdes; former PCSO budget officer Benigno B. Aguas; former Commission on Audit chairman Reynaldo A. Villar; and former COA-Intelligence Fund Unit head Nilda B. Plaras.

It's good that COA officials have been included for being complicit to the crime. Their job is supposed to fiscalize government expenditures to make sure that government funds are spent  according to the law.

They were remiss in their job and they deserve to be included in the case.

The case was based on the complaint filed by Bayan Muna, Akbayan and Kilusang Makabayang Ekonomiya.

Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casiño hailed the filing of the case even if it took more than a year.

"This is good development considering that the Ombudsman struck with our original charge of plunder and we hope that the case can now move faster," he said referring to the plunder case involving the NBN-ZTE deal which the Ombudsman downgraded to graft, which is bailable.

It took the Aquino administration two years to file this first   plunder case.

Carpio-Morales is known to be rigorous and would not be filing half-baked cases that would have a high chance of being dismissed.

Those who want to hold Arroyo accountable for her crimes against the Filipino people can now heave a sigh of relief that even if Judge Jesus Mupas of the Pasay City Regional Trial Court grants bail to Arroyo or even dismisses the electoral sabotage case on the 2007 election, she still would remain in detention once the Sandiganbayan finds existence of probable cause for plunder and issues an arrest warrant within 10 days after the filing of the case.

Plunder, which is pocketing government funds P50 million and more, is a capital offense and requires mandatory detention for all defendants without bail for the duration of the trial. The penalty is reclusion perpetua which is imprisonment from 20 years and one day to 40 years.

Government prosecutors handling the  electoral sabotage case against Arroyo may now stop bending the law and at the expense of the victims of the Maguindano massacre and other electoral fraud cases just to keep Arroyo in detention.

The 2007 electoral sabotage case has already served the purpose of the Aquino government, which was to keep Arroyo in detention pending the filing of another unbailable case.

But I would still want Arroyo to be accountable what for me is her greatest crime against the Filipino people, which was the stealing of presidency in the 2004 elections. Archbishop Oscar Cruz calls it Arroyo's "original sin."

It would not be electoral sabotage because that became a law only in 2007. There should be a law that she violated. Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act?  Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees?

It should be put on record that she was convicted for stealing the presidency.

Yahoo Philippines 

France, Russians, Asians students lured Philippine' English language with white sandy beaches

French student Laura Samzun attends a one-on-one English class at Cebu Pacific International Language school in Cebu city in central Philippines July 6, 2012. Photo by Erik De Castro - Reuters

'It's less expensive to go to the Philippines, to come back (to) France, and to pay school than to stay in France (for that time),' French student says

CEBU, Philippines — In the Philippines, English language courses come with poolside classrooms, field trips to the beach, and instructors doubling as tour guides.

English is widely spoken in the former American colony, and language proficiency schools have mushroomed across the country, catering to an expanding market of Asian and European students looking to combine English learning with tropical tourism.

French student Laura Samzun will soon be taking a test to enter a public college in the United Kingdom, and is under pressure to perfect her English. She chose to take classes in the Philippines due to lower costs.

"It's less expensive to go to the Philippines, to come back (to) France, and to pay school than to stay in France (for that time)," Samzun said.

Fresh from a backpacking trip in Indonesia, she kick-started her courses in June at the Cebu Pacific International Language School on the sunny central island of Cebu.

"I really wanted to see Asia, to travel. So I can travel and study (at) the same time. It's a good thing," the 22-year-old Toulouse native said.

There are some 500 schools offering language proficiency programs around the country, and one-fifth are in Cebu. The island's proximity to white sand beaches and its laid-back provincial lifestyle are a big draw for foreign students, who mostly come from big industrial cities.

The schools boast high quality education, with small student-teacher ratios that allow for more focused instruction.

In four months of English proficiency courses, Chinese nurse Flora Wang has progressed from near-zero comprehension to carrying a conversation with ease.

"Actually really getting better. When I came here, I can't speak and understand anything. But during the four months, I improved a lot," said the 25-year old Beijing native who plans to move to the U.S. to study health care.

Wang recently finished her course at Cebu Pacific International Language School (CPILS), one of the pioneers of English language education in the Philippines.

CPILS accommodates around 450 students per course period, mostly from South Korea. The student population has ballooned from 60 students when the school opened 11 years ago, and their pool has expanded to include enrollees from Japan, China, Taiwan, and European countries like France and Russia.

Park Yoon Jae, a university student from Seoul, wants to land a job back home in a multi-national company, where English is a primary requirement.

"Especially these days, (in) Korea, we have to speak English very well. Because almost all company want very high level English skills," Park said.

The intensive English course work in CPILS runs an average of four months, in which students can take up to seven hours of lessons each day. A one-month course can cost around $1,000 a month, including accommodation and food.

Value-for-money

In Cebu, campuses are equipped with a pool and a fitness gym, with some offering yoga classes and dance workshops. The beach is just a half-hour ride from the city, and schools arrange island-hopping trips or diving lessons on weekends.

The success of English-proficiency schools around the country has prompted the Philippines' tourism department to launch the English-as-a-Second-Language (ESL) Tour Program, tapping key markets like South Korea, Japan, and Russia where the demand for English-learning is high.

South Korean students of Cebu Pacific International Language school prepare to snorkel during a beach outing in Cebu city in central Philippines July 7, 2012.. Photo by Erik De Castro - Reuters

"This is where the Philippines can be very competitive. We have World Heritage sites, white sand beaches, you have spas, you have dining and shopping," Benito Bengzon, assistant secretary for international tourism promotions, told Reuters.

The Philippines aims to hit 4.5 million international tourist arrivals this year, a fraction compared to neighboring Thailand or Malaysia. But English learning-tourism is unique to the Philippines, and Bengzon said the sector can grow by 10 to 15 percent among Asians, and up to 25 percent among Europeans.

The pitch is that the Philippines is a good alternative to Australia, the United States or the United Kingdom because it is closer to Asian countries and also because the whole experience, from education to extra-curriculars, is value-for-money.

"The message here, apart from the tourism component is that it shows to the world our proficiency in English, our competitive advantage, and of course you can already mix it with the fun and enjoyable and memorable part of it," Bengzon said.

The famed Filipino hospitality, inside and outside the school, is another plus for the students.

"There are 200 or 300 teachers. So I have many chances to go out with them. And while I'm enjoying my time, I can study English with them at the same time," said Yu Kitaoka from Japan.

MSNBC.com

Cambodia's "ASEAN Way" founders in South China Sea storm

Dimming of ASEAN after the betrayal of Cambodia

As Philippine Foreign Minister Albert del Rosario began to raise the sensitive issue of the South China Sea at one of last week's Asian summit meetings, his microphone went dead.

A technical glitch, said the Cambodian hosts. Perhaps something more sinister, hinted some diplomats who were frustrated by Chinese ally Cambodia's dogged efforts to keep the subject off the agenda.

That account and others, described to Reuters by diplomats with direct knowledge of the talks and who asked not to be identified, reveals how deeply Southeast Asian nations have been polarized by China's rapidly expanding influence in the region.

The fast-growing 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which aims to form an EU-style economic bloc by 2015, insists it remains united despite its failure for the first time in 45 years to agree a concluding summit statement.

But Reuters' interviews reveal deep discord and frayed tempers at last week's summit that are sharply at odds with the group's self-styled reputation for harmony and polite debate.

"It was one of the most heated meetings in the history of ASEAN," one diplomat said. Another described Cambodia, which holds the revolving ASEAN chairmanship this year, as "the worst chair", and said China had effectively bought its loyalty and that of some other states with economic largesse.

The breakdown has left attempts to craft a maritime "code of conduct" this year between ASEAN and China in tatters, raising the risk that growing incidents of naval brinkmanship over the oil-rich waters will spill over into conflict.

It also underlines the huge challenge facing the United States as it refocuses its military and economic attention on Asia in response to China's rise. The South China Sea has become Asia's biggest potential military flashpoint as Beijing's sovereignty claims set it against Vietnam and the Philippines racing to tap possibly huge oil reserves.

CHINA BREACHES INNER SANCTUM

The failure touched on a long-standing ASEAN fear, says Carlyle Thayer, an emeritus professor at the University of New South Wales at the Australian Defense Force Academy -- that lack of unity would allow foreign powers to exploit its differences.

"This is the first major breach of the dyke of regional autonomy," he said. "China has now reached into ASEAN's inner sanctum and played on intra-ASEAN divisions."

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen has angrily rejected suggestions that China has "bought" Cambodia's support over the South China Sea dispute. China's foreign direct investment in Cambodia was $1.2 billion in 2011, almost 10 times that of the United States, according to an estimate by the government's Council for the Development of Cambodia. Chinese investment and trade has also surged in neighboring Myanmar and Laos.

Cambodia batted away repeated attempts to raise the issue about the disputed waters during the ASEAN meeting last week as well as the ASEAN Regional Forum, which includes Japan and the United States, according to diplomats present.

ASEAN Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan was cut off in mid-address by Cambodia's foreign minister as he tried to bring up the topic, said several Southeast Asia diplomats.

Del Rosario's microphone malfunction occurred at a Thursday morning ministerial meeting, diplomats said, as he raised the issue despite Cambodia's insistence that it should not be discussed. A Cambodian foreign ministry spokesman said it was "craziness" to suggest that it was switched off deliberately.

On Friday, the last day of the summit, diplomats scrambled to avoid humiliation and agree an 11th-hour text for a joint statement. Regional giant Indonesia took the lead.

Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa even called his Singapore counterpart back from the airport to help draft a deal, the first ASEAN diplomat said.

Natalegawa drafted 18 different versions of the statement in a desperate effort to appease both Cambodia and claimant states the Philippines and Vietnam, the diplomat said. Natalegawa's staff scurried long distances through Phnom Penh's cavernous Peace Palace to get the latest drafts to printer machines.

But the attempts finally stalled over Cambodia's unwillingness to accept any mention of the Scarborough Shoal - the site of a recent naval stand-off between China and the Philippines - even after Manila accepted an Indonesian suggestion to change the wording to "affected shoal".

"The host should have played a bigger role, but he didn't," the ASEAN diplomat said.

Then came the fallout. The Philippines said it deplored the outcome and Del Rosario held a news conference in Manila to condemn an unidentified state's "increasing assertion" in disputed waters, warning it was raising the risk of conflict.

It was shockingly blunt language for a group that has long waved off criticism of its bland statements and lack of strong joint policies by citing the "ASEAN Way" -- its method of discrete, non-conflictual cooperation.

CODE OF CONDUCT IN DOUBT

China claims all of the South China Sea within a huge, looping "nine-dashed" line, and has rejected any "internationalization" of the dispute or direct bilateral negotiations. It has used the dotted line on maps dating back to the Nationalist government of the 1940s.

Last month Beijing said it had begun "combat-ready" patrols around waters claimed by Vietnam after voicing strong opposition to a Vietnamese law asserting sovereignty over the Paracel and Spratly islands.

Now, the Philippines and Vietnam, which have both seen a sharp rise in naval stand-offs with China, want ASEAN's backing to help them stand up to the regional giant.

Without a strong ASEAN stance, those countries could push harder to expand alliances with the United States. In doing so, they must also be wary of losing out on closer trade and investment ties with China, Asia's dominant economy.

ASEAN and China were due to start formal negotiations on a code of conduct to help manage the dispute in September, hoping to finalize a deal by the next ASEAN summit in November. Last week's acrimonious breakdown puts that in doubt at a time when naval tensions are rising sharply.

"How can ASEAN play a central role if it doesn't have a common position?" Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said on Monday, announcing he would tour ASEAN countries this week to try to salvage a joint statement.

A hardening of positions on all sides, encouraged by growing nationalist sentiment over the dispute in several claimant states, is reducing the chance of a meaningful code of conduct being signed and increasing the chance of a naval clash.

Adding to the pessimism over a code of conduct is the slate of ASEAN chair nations for the next two years - low-profile Brunei next year followed by China-dependant Myanmar in 2014.

A binding set of rules would go some way toward making up for Asia's lack of security mechanisms to prevent naval tensions escalating into a full-blown conflict.

"NATO and the Soviet Union had those kind of mechanisms in place. If anything happened there were the rules of the game in place," said Ian Storey, a senior fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.

"There's no rules of the game in place here."

(Additional reporting by Olivia Rondonuwu in Jakarta, Prak Chan Thul in Phnom Penh and Ben Blanchard in Beijing. Writing by Stuart Grudgings. Editing by Jason Szep and Jeremy Laurence)

Reuters 

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