Filipinos in South Korea

Scarborough Shoal, Taiwan is Part of Malay Archipelago – China later than India Exploration.

East Indian Archipelago - Prior to Han Dynasty in the early 3rd Century

The conflict between the Philippines and China over the Scarborough Shoal may appear at first sight a minor dispute over an uninhabitable rock and surrounding shallow waters. But it is hugely important because it encapsulates China's assumption that the histories of the non-Han peoples whose lands border two-thirds of the waters known in English as the South China Sea are irrelevant.

The Philippine case over Scarborough Shoal (Also called Panatag Shoal, Bajo de Masinloc  and China called Huangyan)  has been mostly presented as one of geography. The feature is 135 nautical miles from Luzon, the main Philippine island, and roughly 550 nautical miles from the mainland of China and 300 Nautical  miles from the tip of Taiwan. It is thus also well within the Philippines' Exclusive Economic Zone of 200 Nautical Miles by the United Nation Convention in Laws of Sea (UNCLOS) .

China leapfrogs these inconvenient geographical truths to come up with justifications of its claims which can be applied to the whole South China Sea and thus justify the non-famous dotted line on map which vaguely defines them. This line has never been precisely delineated but comes well within the 200-mile limits of all the other countries, and close to Indonesia's gas-rich Natuna islands.

In the case of the Scarborough Shoal, its historical justification is that this rock and surrounding shallow water is mentioned in a Chinese map of the 13th century when China itself was under alien - Mongol - rule. The fact that a vessel from China had visited the shoal and recorded its existence has thus become one basis for its claim. Very similar pieces of history are trotted out to justify claims to other islands visited by ships from China. Likewise, China's assumption of hegemony is often based on the fact that foreign merchant ships had to pay taxes to trade with China.

History, however, shows that Chinese sailors were latecomers to the South China Sea, let alone to onward trade to the Indian Ocean. The seagoing history of the region, at least for the first millennium of the current era, was dominated by the ancestors of today's Indonesians, Malays, Filipinos and (less directly) Vietnamese. Thus, as China's own records reveal, when the 4th century Buddhist pilgrim Fa Hsien, went to Sri Lanka, he travelled from China to Sumatra and then on to Sri Lanka in Malay ships.


This was not the least surprising given that during this era of sea-going prowess, people from Indonesia were the first colonisers of the world's third largest island, Madagascar, some 4,000 miles away. (The Madagascan language and 50% of its human gene pool are of Malay origin.) This was a thousand years before the much-vaunted voyages of Chinese admiral Zheng He in the 15th century.

Malay seagoing prowess was to be overtaken by south Indians and Arabs, but they remained the premier sea-farers in Southeast Asia until well into the era of European dominance of the region. Indeed, the Malay-speaking Hindu (like much of Southeast Asia at that time) mercantile state of central Vietnam dominated South China Sea trade until the 15th century. The 10th century Arab traveler and geographer al-Masudi made reference to the "Cham Sea", and trade between Champa and Luzon was well established long before the Chinese drew their 13th century map. As Scarborough Shoal not only lies close to the Luzon coast but is on the direct route from Manila bay to the ancient Cham ports of Hoi An and Qui Nhon, it was known to the Malay sailors long ago.

All in all, the Chinese claim to have 'been there first' is like arguing that Europeans got to Australia before its aboriginal inhabitants. But given China's reluctance to acknowledge that Taiwan was Malay territory until the arrival of European conquerors, and then of a surge of settlers from the mainland, such refusal to acknowledge the rights of other peoples is not surprising.

At times, China itself seems to recognize the flimsy basis of some of its historical claims. In the case of the Scarborough Shoal, it backs up its position by reference to the Treaty of Paris 1898 concluding the Spanish-American war and yielding Spanish sovereignty over the Philippine archipelago to the US. This did not mention the shoal but described a series of straight lines drawn on the map which left the shoal a few miles outside the 116E longitude defined by the treaty.

Given that China rejects "unequal treaties" imposed by western colonialists, it is remarkable to find it relying on one between two foreign powers conducted without any reference to the inhabitants of the Philippines. Vietnam can equally well claim all the Spratly Islands as inheritor of French claims over them.

For sure, China has the power to impose its will. But its aggressive stance towards the Philippines, so often seen as an especially weak state, has alerted others, including Japan, Russia and India as well as the US, to its long-term goal which is not ownership of a few rocks but strategic control of the whole sea, a vital waterway between northeast Asia and the Indian Ocean, the Gulf and Europe. The Scarborough Shoal is not just a petty dispute over some rocks. It is a wake-up call for many countries.

The writer is former editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review.

http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-05-18/edit-page/31750581_1_south-china-sea-chinese-map-china-leapfrogs

Southeast Asian Sea (ASEAN SEA) to replace South China Sea


This vast body of water can yet be transformed into a highly beneficial regional asset and ASEAN must be the one to initiate and push for this.

LOCATED in south-eastern Asia, the South China Sea is a historically recognized maritime route that acts as a gateway between the Indian and the Pacific Oceans.

It's widely acknowledged vital importance is due to the vast abundance of its natural resources with potential wells of alternative energy supplies. And for obvious strategic reasons, this prime biodiversity spot has long been a regional magnet to various littoral states and major powers within the area.

China, Taiwan and four member-countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are contesting certain parts of the area for these same reasons. These territorial claims have highly alerted other powerful states (including the United States) and multilateral bodies to the pending disputes.

As they certainly have the potential to spark off a future military conflict that could further conflagrate the entire Asia-Pacific region, this has already become a clear global threat. Hence, this strategic regional question now needs an urgent answer.

Certainly, it is ASEAN that will have to be the one to initiate and push for an alternative balance in the region. As a regional association whose member-states are all located in South-East Asia, ASEAN must now strike an independent path.

And for it to do so, ASEAN will have to secure a more regionally focused position that is fully centered on the genuine aspirations of its peoples and not on the strategic objectives of China and the United States.

Towards this directional setting, ASEAN should now rethink and re-invent its currently accepted view of, and attitude to, the South China Sea. This becomes urgently critical after no regional unity was reached in terms of a so-called "Code of Conduct" on this question after last month's 20th ASEAN Summit in Phnom Penh. Surely, this latest regional setback has to be overcome – and soon.

For a start, ASEAN must immediately propose that the area already be declared a "Shared Regional Area of Essential Commons" or SRAEC.

Likewise, this conceptual entity must also be outlined according to its factually precise geographic location on the global map. Because it is clearly located within an area bounded by at least seven littoral South-East Asian states all belonging to ASEAN, it should instead be renamed as the "South-East Asian Sea".

In general, the SRAEC has to be recognized and upheld by all the common stakeholders presently involved in the region's long-term future.

They include state and non-state entities, together with various regional organizations and even global institutions. Its basic premise and thrust is to ensure that all the commonly essential natural maritime resources presently found (and yet to be discovered) within the parameters of the South-East Asian Sea must be collectively shared by all stakeholders. This means the region's vast humanity and not a handful of states and their ruling leaders.

Consequently, the South-East Asian Sea's strategic resources cannot be claimed by just a few and in the name of ancient empires that have long ago disappeared into the library of world history. In the context of today's global environmental realities, the South-East Asian Sea must by now be claimed by the many and in the name of a 21st century world order shared by all of humankind.

In pursuing the conceptual framework of a Shared Regional Area of Essential Commons, its independence and neutrality must always be upheld. This means that the SRAEC should assert from its declared onset that it cannot be absolutely claimed (wholly or partially) by any one state or regional entity, such as China or Asean.

And even more so, the SRAEC must not become a conflict zone under the geopolitical maneuverings of any world power, specifically the globally hegemonic thrusts of the United States.

It will certainly not be very easy to change the Beijing-Washington rivalry with respect to their hegemonic agendas over the broader Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, ASEAN is not collectively united in taking a more independent and neutral stance towards both China and the United States.

This is because some countries, such as the Philippines, are highly prone to run to the US as a counterforce to China. Alas, this divide inside ASEAN is already being exploited by Beijing.

In this regard, China continues to strongly push its demands for a more bilateral and regionally focused solution to the current regional dilemma affecting the South-East Asian Sea area. In contrast to this, the United States is pushing for a more multilateral approach to solve the regional contradiction.

In effect, the Chinese want to ensure their clear dominance over their South-East Asian neighbors without any interference from another superpower. And in an almost similar manner, the Americans also seek to once more intervene within the area by realigning pro-US countries from South-East Asia under its imperialist dictation through a geo­strategic coalition, which is aimed at enhancing American control over the South-East Asian region and containing the Chinese's expansionist actions.

Only a SRAEC with a democratically progressive direction and an openly participative process can radically alter the balance of power in this highly crucial corner of the world. And perhaps this may yet become a critically necessary step towards building a more genuinely "caring and sharing" ASEAN common area for all. — Philippine Daily Inquirer/Asia News Network

Read more http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2012/5/20/asia/11312135&sec=asia

Philippines hosts Back to Back USA - ASEAN Meeting in Manila – Amidst Stand-off with China

The Philippines will host the 25th Association of Southeast Asian Nations-United States Dialogue and the first Meeting of the ASEAN-U.S. Eminent Persons Group (EPG) in Manila from May 20 to 22, 2012 as announced by the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs – Thursday (5/17/2012).

The ASEAN-U.S. Dialogue is a regular meeting held between ASEAN and U.S. Senior Officials who will review the progress in ASEAN-U. S. cooperation and exchange views on regional and international developments, including the launching of the ASEAN-U.S. EPG and preparations for the 4th ASEAN-U.S. Leaders' Meeting in November, the Ministry said in a statement released Thursday.

The 25th ASEAN-U.S. Dialogue will be co-chaired by Philippine Foreign Affairs Undersecretary for Policy Erlinda Basilio, in her capacity as Philippine Senior Official Meeting (SOM) Leader, and by Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell of the U.S. State Department- Office for East Asia and the Pacific, it said.

Prior to the Dialogue, the ASEAN-U.S. EPG will meet for the first time on May 21. The meeting, a recommendation of ASEAN-U.S. Leaders, is to discuss issues including reviewing ASEAN-U.S. relations and recommending future actions; strengthening cooperation and coordination in specific sectors, such as trade and investment, disaster response and energy security; and identifying new steps for the effective implementation of the decisions of previous ASEAN-U.S. Leaders' Meetings and the Plan of Action to Implement the Joint Declaration on ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership.

The role of the EPG is to review ASEAN-US relations and recommend future actions, including opportunities to enhance cooperation on regional and global issues.

It is also tasked to strengthen cooperation and coordination in specific sectors, such as trade and investment, disaster response and energy security.

The EPG will identify new steps for the effective implementation of the decisions of previous ASEAN-US leaders' meetings and the plan of action to implement the Joint Declaration on ASEAN-US Enhanced Partnership.

Philippine officials, who are hosting the May 20-22 meetings, did not immediately say if maritime issues, including the territorial spat with China in the West Philippine Sea, would be tackled.

Manila and Beijing are locked in a tense maritime standoff at the disputed Panatag (Scarborough) Shoal, which China calls Huangyan Island, since April 10.

Both countries are seeking a quick end to the impasse in the shoal 124 nautical miles off Luzon's northwestern coast and china's 472 nautical miles from its closest province in Hainan.

The Philippines has asked the ASEAN and foreign governments to take a stand against what it perceives as China's looming threat to freedom of navigation in the West Philippines Sea (South China Sea).

The Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA), in a statement, said the dialogue is "a regular meeting" held between senior officials from the two sides "to review the progress in ASEAN-US cooperation."

Both sides would also exchange views on regional and international developments, it added.

The Philippines is the country coordinator for ASEAN-US dialogue relations from 2009 to 2012.

The ASEAN is a regional bloc of democratic, socialist and aristocratic states formed in the Cold War era. Its member states are the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar.

These countries, at one time or another, had been engaged in conflicting territorial claims.

China-leaning ASEAN members, like Cambodia and Laos, have generally echoed Beijing's stance of tackling the recent territorial dispute bilaterally, while US allies, such as the Philippines, Vietnam and Singapore have called for a multilateral solution to the problem.

The latest dispute that has run for almost six weeks, Philippine and Chinese vessels are facing off in the shoal, a ring-shaped coral reef with rocky outcrops encircling a lagoon in Zambales Province of the Philippines.

China's nearest Hainan province lies 472 nautical miles from the Panatag Shoal, which lies 124 nautical miles of Zambales province in Luzon.

Beijing has rejected Manila's claim and argued the shoal's proximity to the disputed area cannot be a basis for ownership.

Philippine officials said the shoal is also well within the Philippines' 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ), an area where coastal countries have sole rights to exploit and develop, based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

Both China and the Philippines have ratified the UNCLOS.

But China says it owns the shoal on the basis of ancient maps, records and what Beijing says is its discovery of the area in ancient times. 

The US is one of the longstanding dialogue partners of ASEAN, having established relations with the regional bloc in 1977.

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